Public Primacy
and
Yellow School Buses
You will have noticed a rising tide of
Press references to the American Yellow School Bus. The vehicle is starting to make an appearance on our roads in several parts of the country. Featured in many US films, it is a large 125-seater vehicle, purpose-built for school runs, and equipped with the most modern safety
equipment, including
three-point seat-belts. It constitutes a very distinctive
form of school transport, with an excellent safety record. These vehicles are vastly superior to the raggle-taggle fleet of old coaches that convey most of our children to school, selected assiduously by competitive tender. The question is - "Should they be operated by private contractors, or by a public agency? Should the service
be private or public?" In West Yorkshire, they are operated by First Bus, and the company is planning to pioneer another service soon in Surrey. But in Staffordshire,it is the County Council that pioneered the Yellow Bus in 1997, and now has a fleet of fifteen buses, which it operates itself. Who is right? Ifyou have yet been able to check out my New Socialist Settlement you will know that I assert, as a primary socialist consideration, the presumption that public services should
be provided by public agencies - the principle of public
primacy. In this case, my NSS theory tells me thatthis service should be public. Let me explain why. I like the idea of developing a distinct form of purpose-built vehicle for the discharge of this vital social function. And it is unsurprising that America, with its wide open spaces and more dispersed population, should have been the first to develop this idea. But these special vehicles
are bound to be (a) expensive (as compared with conventional all-purpose coaches>, (b) limited to term-time deployment, reducing their asset value to any
private firm and (c) likely to generate applications for much longer-term private-contractor operating contracts, to justify the capital expenditure involved. The adoption of the
Yellow Bus specification would also encourage the emergence of private-sector "local monopolies", because local companies could not all maintain a supply of such buses - at the moment,
they simply put onto school runs whichever vehicles can be spared
from other duties, and that makes it a money-spinner. Further, there is the consideration that, in the provision of such a sensitive public service, the principle of profit-maximisation is a dubious advantage - if parents are to be persuaded to entrust their children to the School Bus, rather than drive them to school in person, the bus-driver should arguably be a trusted public servant, not "whoever happens to be on duty at the contractor's depot this
morning"... The only argument in favour of privatisation is the Treasury one - the old PFI issue
of who makes the capital investment. For if the buses were all provided by the contractor, no capital cost would fall on the public purse - although the month-in month-out cost of the servicewould be very high, given the constrained utility of these specialist vehicles. A possible alternative would be the provision of the buses by the public authority,
and for them merely to be operated by a private company, appointed following competitive tender. But in
financial terms, that would be the same as whole-service contracting- and would also
sacrifice the advantages of direct staff-control (which for me is a very
important consideration). In applying my new-found NSS principles, I therefore
find in favour of Staffordshire - and against West
Yorkshire - What do you think?
Careless headlines
cost lives
J'accuse... I accuse The Guardian of publishing a mischievous, profoundly misleading headline about the race relations minefield in Burnley. In its front-page coverage,on Monday 18 March 2002, it referred to its own extended interview with the Gurbux Singh, Chairman of the Commission for Racial Equality, published
that day. This is what the headline said - - Force the
races to
mix, says
CRE Chief
and it immediately grabbed my attention, because of its outrageous implications. But if you read the full article, it becomes quite clear that Gurbux Singh was making an entirely different point. The journalist wrote - - "Singh condemns years of "dumping on the worst estates", which resulted in Asian and Afro-Caribbean families being concentrated in "the least attractive estates within the public sector". He
claims it was a deliberate policy: "I suspect that many policymakers will now accept that as a fact". Estate agents in the 1970s and 1980s had been "directing black and Asian people seeking private housinginto particular areas, by telling them properties were no longer on the market. Building societies had used "what was called red-lining and blue-zoning
areas, again steering and directing people", to protect property values. But just as housing policy led to segregation, "public policy can be adjusted, to change it".
These sensible comments, advocating
the cessation of host-society discrimination, were then twisted by the journalist, who went on to describe it (and this was emphatically not a quotation from Gurbux Singh) as a "highly controversial idea, changing housing policy so that white and ethnic communities, already in the throes of racial unrest, are forced to live together". What a distortion! No quotation, no evidence, is adduced to support
this outrageous and prejudicial assertion. Yet that is the one thought, from the entire whole-page Interview, which is selected for the headline, and allowed to dominate the front-page. Please take the trouble to read the full
article for yourself Gurbux Singh, Interview J'accuse...
The Guardian has been guilty, in an awful, lapse of judgment, by an act
of gross editorial negligence, of defaming Gurbux Singh, and inflaming
racist attitudes. The apology cannot arrive too soon. If not, the damages should
be enormous, and the good name of The Guardian seriously eroded.
Bully for Bridgend!
Last Friday I had the opportunity, at the invitation of the Bridgend Fabian Society, to expound
my views on the reforms of company law needed to tackle the abuse of power by the corporate sector. I was apprehensive, because company law reform is an arcane and dry subject, which I have always
assumed to be inaccessible to sensible laymen. But the occasion went extremely well (must be Enron!) - and the Bridgend Fabians encouraged me to put my thoughts down on paper, which I will do. I did sketch out my views earlier in the year, see summary
at
Taming the Corporations - full Monty to follow.
What do
you think? Drop me a line.
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